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BULLETIN 



OF THE 



Newport Historical Society 

Number Twenty NEWPORT. R. I. August, 1916 

The Scope and Purpose of an Historical 
Society in Newport 

By 
THE HON. WILLIAM PAINE SHEFFIELD 



A Paper read before the Society August 12th, 1916. 



History is the guide to the present and the inspiration of the 
future. In order to make the best use of our surroundings, it is 
necessary that we should know the tendencies and environment of the 
past. The only solid basis of Historical Study is founded on facts, 
accurately and painstakingly ascertained. To preserve these facts and 
to bring them to the attention of the community and of the student so 
that they can be easily found and clearly apprehended is the chief end 
of an Historical Society. 

Newport is a peculiarly rich and attractive field for the historical 
scholar. Nowhere can the sources of our institutions and the habits 
and development of our people be studied to better advantage. It is 
especially fortunate in First: its physical situation, and Second: the 
character of its founders. Its location and equitable climate at the very 
beginning and during every subsequent period of its history, have been 
often commented on. The harbor, easy of access to the sea, at the en- 
trance of that great inland waterway, Narragansett Bay. from the time 



when Nicholas Easton hired the Indians to burn off the bushes in the 
swamp, where Thames Street now is, until the present time, has had a 
great influence in tlie progress of the city. Bishop Berkeley, it is re- 
corded, was never more agreeably surprised than at the sight of the 
Town and Harbor of Newport. "Around him was some of the softest 
rural and grandest ocean scenery in the world." 

In regard to the mildness of the climate, Dr. Stiles, in his diary, 
records: "Dec. 21, 1772, Thermometer 50° at noon, abroad a fine mild 
day" and Jan. 7, 1773, "Yesterday at dinner, we ate lettuce in the gar- 
den, growing abroad and not in hot beds, so moderate the season. I 
saw and measured a branch of rose-bush of this Winter's fresh growth, 
gathered New Year's Day, about six inches long of which the new 
grown stalk was about four inches and some leaves nearly fully grown." 

Into such a picturesque and fortunate situation and amid such a 
mild and attractive climate were transplanted a body of men selected 
by the stern refinement of persecution from the Puritan Commonwealth. 
Much has been written of the Massachusetts Puritans, how, in order 
that they might enjoy a fuller political liberty and that they might 
worship God according to the dictates of their own conscience, they 
obtained the charter of an English trading Company, left Leicestershire 
in old England and settled Boston in New England and founded a State. 
There is little doubt that, in the world as it then existed, few people 
had a wider knowledge of the principles of political liberty and a more 
sincere love of religious truth than they. But the Puritan theocracy, to 
say the least, was not attractive and congenial to those who were not in 
entire sympathy with its purposes and its beliefs. It was William 
Blackstone, the original settler of Rhode Island who, when the Massa- 
chusetts settlers disturbed him in possession of Beacon Hill and Boston 
said that "he had come from England to escape the Lord's Bishops but 
he did not like the Lord's Brethern any better." This was the common 
view of all the Rhode Island tbunders: Blackstone. Roger Williams and 
John Clarke, in succession. 

Whatever love of liberty and of religious devotion existed in Boston, 
it was nowhere stronger than among the Elders of the First Church and 
the Magistrates of Boston who (including Sir Henry Vane) supported 
Wheelwright and some of whom followed Ann Hutchinson. When 
these were disarmed and banished, these exiles of exiles, refined by the 
persecution of New England, after the persecution of old England, 
founded on this lovely island a community whose story allures and 
attracts the historian to this day as do few other spots. 

Ambassador Bryce has said: "Rhode Island has had a singularly 
interesting and eventful history. All the more interesting because in a 



Gilt 



tiny community the play of personal forces is best seen and the charac- 
ter of individual men give color to the strife of principles and parties. 
Thus, some touch of that dramatic quality which belongs to the cities 
of Greece and Italy recurs in this little Republic on Narragansett Bay." 

William Coddington, John Clarke, John Coggeshall, Nicholas Eas- 
ton and their associates, when they settled through the influence of 
Roger Williams, on this beautiful Island, then recently wrested by the 
Narragansetts from the Wampanoags, builded better than they knew. 
They brought with them a clearer vision of the future and a wider 
sympathy with humanity than anywhere existed in the world. They 
knew from their own bitter experience that man could not enjoy religi- 
ous liberty, unless he was willing to respect and bring that Uberty to 
his fellow man. That one could not enjoy civil liberty for himself, 
unless he accorded the same rights to his neighbor and that his neighbor 
was not only his relative and his friend who came from England, but 
also the savage Indian whose land he occupied They founded a State 
to hold forth the lively experiment of the brotherhood of man founded 
upon religious freedom which made possible the union of the Colonies 
under the Constitution of the United States. They supported those 
principles of equality upon which the French Revolution and the de- 
velopment of free people everywhere has been based. 

Here in this mine of historical study, not neglected but not fully 
exploited, lies much that would enable one to understand more fully 
the development of our Institutions and the History of our Country. 

Here was founded the first free State, in the words of John Clarke 
"To hold forth a lively experiment that a most flourishing Civil State 
may stand and best be maintained with a full liberty in religious con- 
cernments." 

Here was founded a State, the title to whose land was based upon 
the free purchase from the aboriginal owners and whose dealings 
throughout its history with the Indians were marked with justice. 

Here the foundations of the State were placed upon the principle 
of the fullest recognition of the rights of the individual in the civil 
sphere, and thus, to this City, came for refuge those fleeing from every 
kind of oppression. 

Here the historian can trace the development of a State founded on 
such principles; where Commerce followed increase in population; 
Wealth followed Commerce; and Art and Social Intercourse of a free 
people followed Wealth, until hardly anywhere in the eighteenth cen- 
tury could be found a more desirable place to live in than Newport. 

Here the student may trace the beginnings of that conflict which 
ultimately brought freedom to all the Colonies and here, in Colonial 



times; afterwards, before the Civil War and even to the present time, 
have been brought together in close association those of leisure, as well 
as the literary and artistic, from many different parts of this country. 

To illustrate the scope which the past of Newport offers to an His- 
torical Society, one can touch only on a few salient points: 

The intercourse of different races, whether one is dependent upon 
the other or whether they are in diverse stages of civilized development, 
are usually attended with misunderstandings and struggles. Contrary 
to the rule, in the main, the relations of the settlers of Newport with 
the original inhabitants were generally peaceful — an example to the 
other New England colonies. 

These relations were founded on Justice and Fair Dealing and the 
Recognition of Mutual Rights and Obligations. In acquiring land, 
Rhode Island scrupulously extinguished the Indian Titles: not only the 
title of the Major Chieftains, recognized by the tribal traditions as the 
proper authority, but again and again they purchased the rights of oc- 
cupation of each petty Sachem. The Colonists also sought to devise a 
system of jurisprudence to be administered by joint tribunals to secure 
Justice to offending Indians. It was provided: "That if any Indian 
shall be unruly, or will not depart our bowses when they are bidden, 
they are to carry them to the Governour or other Magistrate, and they 
shall be punished according to their demeritt. And further, that for 
any common or small crime he shall receive his punishment according 
to law; and for any matters of greater weight exceeding the value of ten 
fadome of beads, then Miantonomy is to be sent for, who is to come and 
see the Tryal. But if it be a Sachem that hath offended, though in 
smaller matters, then he is also to be sent for, and to see his tryall, and 
Judgment; who hath promised to come." 

One of the most interesting Indian incidents is described in "John 
Easton's Indian War." This book is practically devoted to the single 
incident and it brings out in a strong light both the character of Philip 
of Pokanoket and of the attitude of the R. I. Colonists towards their 
Indian neighbors. Sassicus, a praying Indian, had been killed by 
Phillip's men and his body had been found by the Plymouth people 
when the ice had melted from the pond in the spring and the Plymouth 
people had summoned Philip to come to Plymouth for trial and he had 
refused. Phillip was preparing for the last desperate conflict with the 
Whites. Just before the outbreak, in full war paint at the request of 
John Easton (Gov. 1690-1695) and a committee with him from New- 
port, Philip and his warriors met them near Bristol Ferry. The Rhode 
Island men tried to dissuade Phillip from going to war and offered their 



services as mediators with the Massachusetts peojDle. The narrative is 
interesting as showing the confidence which the Indians had in their 
Rhode Island neighbors and the breadth of view of the Indian Chief- 
The Rhode Islanders represented the hopelessness of the War and the 
Indians did not deny it. They depicted the horrors of war and its bar- 
barity; and Philip in a wisdom beyond his time, said "war is the worst 
way of settling disputes." The Rhode Island men suggested "arbitra- 
tion" which the Indians were willing to listen to, provided, any impar- 
tial men could be found. The Committee suggested the Governor of 
New York, and it seemed to them a possible solution if the Plymouth 
people would accept. But the history of our own time repeated itself, 
peacemakers, without authority, could do little and the most bloody 
Indian War resulted. 

At the close of Philip's War, in August 1676, a Court Martial was 
held at Newport "for the trial of Indians charged with being engaged in 
Philip's designs." The record of which has been published (Albany, 
N. Y., Printed by J. Mumsell, 1858). One is impressed with the care 
of the members of this Court, to do justice to the accused Indians and 
to give them the benefit of all the forms of law to which Englishmen 
were entitled. The sentences in the main were just and mild as com- 
pared with the treatment of the Indians by the other Colonies in this 
last great conflict in this locality. 

To the student of Principles of Government and the Forms of 
Institutions which promote Liberty, no field is so attractive as Colonial 
America. Here a people versed in the principles of English Law, de. 
rived from Magna Carta, expounded by Coke and the fathers of English 
Jurisprudence, under different forms of Royal Charters, freed from ex- 
acting supervision, each sought out the development that seemed best 
to promote their welfare. Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay Colonies, 
Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia 
and Georgia, all in a different way worked out their freedom under 
Royal Charters. 

Of all the Colonies, Rhode Island is most interesting. Here was 
founded a pure Democracy and in quarterly meetings the freemen 
assembled controlled the Legislation. Liberty based on the English 
Law was established. In 1647 that wonderful Code of Laws, for its 
day, was adopted and orderly government, with the initiative and 
referendum in the people, was established. But under the leadership of 
John Clarke they did not rest until they had obtained from that corrupt 
Monarch, Charles II, the great Charter of 1663 which secured for all 
time, embodied in the fundamental law, the principle of Soul-Liberty 



and complete freedom in Religious concernments. So free was the 
development of the people in this Colony that there was no marked dif- 
ference in the administration of the executive and the action of the 
General Assembly under the British King and under the American 
Republic. Indeed, the same Royal Charter was sufficient as the funda- 
mental law of the British Colony and the American State. Here were 
worked out many of the forms and principles of Government that were 
embodied in the American Constitution. To preserve the trials which 
brought out the application of these principles to the needs of English- 
men in a new land; to trace the origin of institutions which were de- 
veloped until they became part of the heritage of the nation is the func- 
tion of the historical student and of an Historical Society. 

"The Individualism of Rhode Island based as it was on that which 
was spiritual, on the Soul Liberty of Roger Williams and the "inner 
light" of Antinomians, Anabaptists and Quakers, could not, under favor- 
ing conditions but flower forth in idealism. Beginning with 1729 these 
conditions were supplied at Newport by the development there of 
wealth through commerce and by the presence there, for a time, of the 
greatest idealist among English Philosophers— George Berkeley, Dean 
of Londonderry. So writes an historian who has shown much sym- 
pathy with Rhode Island: 

Many of the richest memories of this period gather around Berkeley, 
Dean of Londonderry. The "New England Weekly Commoner" 3d of 
February, 1729, has this dispatch: "Newport, January 24, 1729. Yes- 
terday arrived here, Dean Berkeley of liondonderry in a pretty large 
ship. He is a gentleman of middle stature, of an agreeable, ])leasant 
and erect aspect. He was ushered into the Town with a great number 
of gentlemen to whom he behaved himself after a very complaisant 
manner. 'Tis said he proposes to tarry here with his family about 
three months." 

When Berkeley's ship appeared off Block Island, he sent at once a 
letter announcing his arrival to Mr. Honeyman, Minister of Trinity 
Church, which was received by Mr. Honeyman, while preaching on 
Sunday. "The Church was dismissed with the blessing and Mr. 
Honeyman, with the wardens, vestry, church and congregation, male 
and female, repaired immediately to the Ferry Wharf, where they 
arrived a little before the Dean, his family and friends." Newport was 
fortunate in having a visit from such a man. This man, so honored by 
Newporters, was one of the purest and most upright of his generation. 
"In an age more material than any that had preceded or has followed 
it, he steadfastly upheld the ideals of a higher life and refused to 
acknowledge that a nation or an individual could be said to prosper 



because of mere worldly advancement." He conceived a plan for found- 
ing a University at the Bermudas from which a Christian civilization 
might be spread through the American Continent. He, almost alone 
of his contemporaries, seemed to grasp the great future that lay open to 
America; and with prophetic vision, he saw the great Western Empire 
that was to be. The charm of that "handsome face beaming with 
intelligence and goodness" had for a time so fascinated the worldly and 
cynical Court of Queen Caroline, that it seemed as if he were about to 
obtain from the Crown and Parliament a Grant of 20,000 pounds for 
the College he proposed in the Bermudas, "for piety and learning; 
where the colonial and native youths of America" should be trained as 
scholars and missionaries, a purpose which the Court must have 
thought wholly Utopian. While awaiting this grant, he sought in 
Rhode Island a retreat to prepare for what he expected to be his life 
work. 

A countryman of Berkeley has thus described the place to which 
he came: "Newport was then a flourishing town, nearly a century old, 
of the first importance and an emporium of American commerce. It 
was in those days the maritime and commercial rival of New York and 
Boston. Narragansett Bay formed its outer harbour; and the inner 
harbour upon which the Town was built was well protected from the 
Ocean. It was a natural place for the President of St. Paul's to choose 
as a basis of his operations." 

The Island in 1729 contained about 18,000 inhabitants; of these 
1,500 were negros — freeman and slaves; a few native Indians, too, might 
still be seen on the Island. Newport was then a rich centre of foreign 
and domestic trade. "Its early wealth may be explained by several 
causes. The salubrity of the climate drew strangers from the Continent 
and from the West Indies; its harbor gave security near the open Ocean; 
the spirit of religious toleration, which reigned in the Island made it 
then in America, what Holland was in Europe at the end of the Seven- 
teenth Century. Jews and Quakers, prosecuted elsewhere, flourished 
in Newport in peace. The Island was crowded with religious refugees, 
who professed often, the most fantastic beliefs. The white inhabitants 
were of many religious sects, Quakers, Moravians, Jews, Episcopalians, 
Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Sixth Principle and Seventh Princi- 
ple Baptists and many others besides." 

With Berkeley, besides his recently married wife, came Smibert* 
the painter, and Berkeley's two learned and elegant friends, Sir John 
James and Richard Dalton, Esq. With great amusement, these two 
friends described the inhabitants as they found them: "In one thing 
the diSerent sectaries at Newport, both men and women, all agreed in, 



a rage for finery. The men in flaming scarlet coats and waist-coats, 
laced and fringed with brightest glaring yellow. The sly Quakers not 
venturing on these charming coats and waist-coats yet loving finery, 
figured with plate on their sideboards. One, to the no small diversion 
of Berkeley, sent to England, and had made on purpose, a noble large 
teapot of solid gold, and inquired of the Dean, when drinking tea with 
him, whether Friend Berkeley had ever seen such a 'curious thing.' 
On being told that silver ones were much in use in England, but that 
he had never seen a gold one, Ebenezer replied: — 'Aye, that was the 
thing; I resolved to have something finer than anybody else.' They say 
that the Queen (Caroline) has not got one. The Dean delighted his 
ridiculous host by assuring him that his was an unique; and very happy 
it made him." 

When Berkeley first arrived, he stopped with his wife in Town. 
Mr. Iloneyman, who was the Missionary from the English Society, 
seemed to have been his earliest friend, who came to Newport in 1704, 
as the Missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. 
Trinity Church had been completed only a few years before Berkeley 
arrived. Here Berkeley preached three days after his arrival and from 
time to time during his stay. All sects, it seemed, rushed to hear him» 
even the Quakers with tbeir broad-brimmed hats came and stood in the 
aisles. As showing Berkeley's tolerant views of theological diff"erences, 
it was here Updike heard him say emphatically, in one of his sermons, 
"Give the devil his due, John Calvin was a great man." This liber- 
ality of view made him appreciate the religious toleration of Rhode 
Island. He said, "The inhabitants are of a mixed kind, consisting of 
many sorts and conditions of sects. Notwithstanding so many diff"er- 
ences, here are fewer quarrels about religion than elsewhere, the people 
living peaceably with their neighbors of whatever profession.'' 

In July or August, 1729, Berkeley moved out into Middletown and 
bought about 96 acres from Captain John Anthony, a native of Wales, 
then a wealthy grazier in Rhode Island, whose daughter afterwards 
married Gilbert Stuart. About the time Berkeley moved into the coun- 
try. Elder Comer writes in his diary: "From July 28th to August 7th, 
1729, the heat was so intense as to cause the death of many. Through 
the first nights in August the lightenings were constant and amazing," 
and this may have been one of the reasons contributing to his change 
to life on a farm, though it was, probably, to be near Mr. Honeyman. 
The farm adjoined the Honeyman farm, from which "Honeyman Hill" 
takes its name. Here Berkeley enjoyed practically his first home, at 
Whitehall, which he built. About this time, the records of Trinity 
Church contain this entry: "1729, September 1, Henry Berkeley, son of 



Dean Berkeley, baptised by his father and received into the Church." 
There is later another record in Trinity Church, on the tomb stone of 
Nathaniel Kay, which preserves the personal relation of the Dean with 
Rhode Island: "joining to the South of this tomb lies Lucia Berkeley, 
daughter of Dean Berkeley, obiit the 5th of September 1731." 

Here at VVhitehall Berkeley remained for nearly three years, until, 
disappointed in his great project, he returned to England. When he 
left he gave his Whitehall Estate to Yale, who is its present owner in 
reversion. He is supposed to have done this largely thro his friendship 
for Rev. Dr. Samuel Johnson, the Episcopal Missionary in Connecticut. 
Dr. Stiles says, *' Dr. Johnson persuaded the Dean to believe Yale Col- 
lege would soon become Episcopal. This, or some other motive, influ- 
enced the Dean to make a donation of his Rhode Island farm, 96 acres, 
with a library of about a thousand volumes to Yale College in 1733. 
This donation was certainly secured very much through the instru- 
mentality of Rev. Dr. Jared Eliot and Rev. Dr. Johnson. The latter, 
in conversation with me in 1753, when I made a funeral oration on 
Bishop Berkeley told me, he himself procured it. He assumed the 
whole glory to himself. Col. Updike of Newport, an Episcopalian, 
intimately acquainted with the transaction, told me the Bishop's mo- 
tive was the greater prospect that Yale College would become Episco- 
palian than Harvard. 

As Newport's Beach and its peaceful surroundings later gave to 
Channing some of the inspiration towards a more sympathetic and 
liberal religious doctrine; so these scenes seemed to inspire Berkeley to 
his best philosophic work, and to his highest ideals. Newport's inspi- 
ration to the Philosopher to do his best work was not less, however, 
than the inspiration which Berkeley gave to the literary development 
of Newport's inhabitants. 

When Berkeley came here, Newport was not free from provincialism 
and snobbery, as we can gather from the pious Quaker, Ebenezer, and 
the story of his solid-gold tea-pot. But from the Philosopher came an 
inspiration to higher ideals. Soon after he settled at Whitehall, he 
took an active part in forming a philosophical society, and he found 
persons not unqualified to consider questions which had long occupied 
his thoughts — clergymen, lawyers, physicians and the enterprising and 
liberal merchants of the Town. Such were, Col. Updike, Judge Scott 
(a grand-uncle of Sir Walter Scott,) Nathaniel Kay (collector of the 
port), Henry Collins, Nathan Townsend, the Rev. James Honeyman, 
and many others, and he attracted here many other like spirits from 
the surrounding colonies. One of the objects of this Society was to 
collect books and, as a result of its existence. Redwood Library was 
founded in 1747. 

9 



Another thing that contributed to the exceptional position of New- 
port in Colonial America was its religious toleration which gathered an 
unusual population. No Prelate of the Church of England at that day 
could be more in sympathy with Rhode Island Toleration than the 
Irish Dean. A sort of Synod of the Episcopal clergy was held twice a 
year at Whitehall, and he urged upon them the absolute need of concili- 
ation, both of their own hearers and of their neighbors, who differed 
from them. Berkeley seemed to have only one wish in him and that 
was to alleviate misery and diffuse happiness. 

Newport owes to Berkeley much of its subsequent reputation as 
the centre of social and literary activity in America. Dr. Stiles, just 
before the Revolution, enumerated from day to day those who called 
upon him from outside of Newport, and the catalogue of them, if it 
were not too long to enumerate, would give us some conception of how 
cosmopolitan Newport then was. Within a comparatively short period, 
we find such entries, as these: 

"Spend several hours in discourse with a Romanish priest, a 
Knight of Jerusalem or Malta travelling from Hispaniola to Quebec.'' 
" Visited by Messrs. Willard and Hylier, two of the fellows of Harvard 
Col." " Francis Bernard, son of Gov. Bernard, educated in the Univer- 
sity of Oxford." " Mrs. Wilson, an eminent Quaker Preacher, laterly 
from West Chester preached; a pious, sensible woman." " Dr. Husius, 
near Esopus, a learned Dutch minister;" "Rev. Morgan Edwards of 
Phila. ;" " Mr. Zubly, Jr., of Georgia here." " Col. Malbone is a gentle- 
man of politeness and great honor; was educated at Oxford and despised 
all religion, but now is a jealous advocate for the Church of England." 
" Jan. 9, 1770. This afternoon, Hon. Alex. Grant, Esq., returned here to 
his family after four years' absence at London and Jamaica. Son of 
Sir Alexander Grant of Scotland. Married Oct. 20, 1760 Abigail 
Cheseborough of Newport;" "April 16, 1772. This afternoon, I spent 
at the Redwood Library in company with a French Physician from 
Britagne in France. Educated at the University in Normandy;" "A 
Jew from Lissa, in Poland, Abraham Levi, 44 years of age" &c., &c. 

Amid this culture and wealth were early embodied the seeds which 
resulted in the independence of America. Few contemporary English 
Histories begin the Revolutionary War as we do, at Lexington and 
Concord, but place the origin of the struggles on Narragansett Bay. 

The causes leading to Independence, however, go far back of 1776. 
Early some of the foremost of English Statesmen saw the seeds of the 
coming conflict. The Earl of Sandwich, more than a century before 
the outbreak of the Revolution, commented upon the strength and im- 

10 



portance of New England; and he also, as a wise Statesman, foresaw 
the futility of " roughness and peremptory orders." He made the fol- 
lowing, for that time, remarkable memorandum upon the subject: 

"July 2, 1671 — Upon all the information I have gotten of New 
England, I made up in my owne opinion the result followinge: That 
they are att present a numerous and thrivinge people and in 20 years 
more are likely (if civill warrs or other accidents prevent them not) to be 
mightly, rich and powerfull and not at all carefull of theire dependance 
upon old England. Whence wee are to fear the inconveniences followinge: 

1. The want of vending our owne manufactures, now carried 
thither (possibly to the value of 50,000 pounds per ann). And more- 
over their servinge the Streights and other parts of the world with 
cloth and the commodities, wee serve them with, and soe our markets 
abroad will be spoiled both in prise and quality of vent. 

2. The Dependance of our Islands of the Caribees and Jamaica 
upon them. For New England serves them with provisions and all 
wooden utensills, much cheaper than any other can. And in likely- 
hood will serve them all other manufactures that wee doe. And con- 
sequently reape the whole benefitt of these colonies. 

3. They will be be masters of the Trade of masts, pitch and tarr 
and other beneficial] commodities in Pascotovvay river and all the 
northern colonies. 

I conceive it impossible to prevent wholly their encrease and 
arrival! at this power, nevertheless I thinke it were advisable to hmder 
their growth as much as can be, in order whereunto I can find but 2 
means, viz: — 

1. A law in Parliament against Transporting English families or 
persons to any plantations without license of the King. At present 
40 or 50 families are now goinge yearely thither: 

2. To remove as many people from New England to our South- 
ern plantations as may be, where the produce of theire labours will 
not be commodities of the same nature with old England to out-trade 
us withall: 

Our principal! care then must be to regulate this people and gett 
as much hand in theire government as wee can, to enable us to keepe 
off prejudice from us, as long as wee can. I take the way of rough- 
ness and preemptory orders, with force to backe them, to be utterly 
unadviseable. For they are already too strong to be compelled. 
They have 50,000 trained bands, well armed and disciplined. They 
have shipps of 300 tonns burden and above 20 gunns and can build 
halfe a dozen men of warr yearely (if they will) and though I appre- 
hend them yett not at that point to cast us off voluntarily and of 

11 



choice; yett I beleeve if wee use severity towards them in their 
Government, civvill or religious, that they will (being made desperate) 
sett up for themselves and reject us. (I confessee, as yet informed, I 
doe not in the least apprehend theire need of, or disposition to admitt 
the protection of any other Nation, either French or Dutch, but if 
any, the French rather of the 2, for the likelihood of better usuage 
and power already in America.) 

The onely way that occurrs to mee for the King my Master, to 
have power amongst them is by Policye and faire means to prevent 
the growhig power of the Massachusetts Colonye. 

1. One means whereof will be to confine and retrench those 
unlimited bounds they have sett unto themselves by the extravagant 
interpretation of words in their pattent whereby they fetch in all the 
country to the Norwards, as farr as Nova Scotia, and cutt off new 
Albany from the Duke of Yorke's country to the Southward. 

2. Another meanes by preservinge and encouraging the other 
Colonies in power and greatness, to keepe up a divided Interest, in 
order whereunto the difference betweene the Colonies of Rhode 
Island and Connecticutt about bounas neere Pequit river, is to be ad- 
judged to the advantage of Rhode Island, who else will not be able to 
subsist as a Colonic wanting land upon the maine land, upon which to 
discharge themselves of the numerous people they breed every yeare, 
and consequently be lesse able to resist falling under the power and 
Government of the Massachusett Colonye." 

This frank statement of purposes carries the key to much in the 
history of the following century which, otherwise, might not seem 
clear. It contains the outlines of the policy which kept Rhode Island 
Colony from being absorbed by its neighbors and brought those suc- 
cessive decrees of the King in Council, which finally decided, in its 
favor, the ''Connecticut boundary dispute" awarding King's County 
to Rhode Island, and again, in 1747 awarded to Rhode Island the 
"five towns" held by Massachusetts, and thus, at last, established its 
undisputed jurisdiction on all the main land about Narragansett Kay. 
It also sets forth the harsh policy of England to the Colonies, directly 
to prevent any manufactures whatever in the colonies, and to limit by 
"Navigation Acts," the growing American Commerce. England's 
policy of repressing Colonial Manufactures was so effective that up to 
the period of the Revolution, no substantial manufactures, except to 
supply home and local demands, existed in the Colonies to protest 
against this policy. On the other hand, the Commerce of the Colo- 
nies was extended, diversified and very profitable. Arthur Brown in 
his Miscellanies said, "Newport used to send out annually four hun- 

12 



dred sails of shipping, small and large, the chief trade to the West 
Indies and the Coaste of Guinea." The great statesmen and writers 
upon the rights of America, who formulated the grievances of the 
colonies, usually admitted the right of Great Britain to regulate the 
foreign trade of the empire and to pass Navigation Acts. Such acts 
were passed as early as 1733, but not seriously enforced, until the 
grievous burden of taxation upon the English Merchants made them 
demand about 1763 from the Government their enforcement, and the 
passage of additional laws extending to the trade with the Spanish, 
Main. 

The enforcement, by seizures and confiscations, of these laws in> 
Narragansett Bay made Newport long for Independence and here- 
occurred the first overt acts of resistance to the Crown, naturally- 
leading to Lexington and Concord. Arthur Brown of Trinity Col- 
lege, Dublin, born m Newport, the son of the Rector of Trinity 
Church, wrote after the Revolution: "The discontents of America 
are usually dated from the Stamp Act in 1765, but they really origi- 
nated in 1763, immediately after the Peace, from the interdiction of 
their trade with the Spanish Main ; it was the only trade that brought 
specie into the Country and hence no money was seen, except paper, 
saving half Johannes, dollars, pistareens (a guinea or English Crown 
seldom seen). The depression of the value of paper money was 
greater in Rhode Island than anywhere else ; the paper dollar bearing 
the nominal value of eight pounds. I myself saw one American fort 
fire upon the "Squirrel," the King's Ship in 1764 in the harbor of 
Newport." In this connection we can readily gather the acts and 
feelings of the patriot party from gleanings taken from Dr. Stiles* 
notes. "Liberty Day,'' the anniversary of the King's signing the 
repeal of the Stamp Act in 1766, was celebrated throughout the Colo- 
nies. March 18, 1769, Stiles writes: "This is Liberty Day, cele- 
brated at Newport, Boston and New York." "This anniversary of 
the Stamp Act repeal was celebrated at Newport by the Sons of Lib- 
erty. At the Dawn of Day colours or a large Flag was hoisted & 
displayed on the Top of the Tree of Liberty, and another on the Mast 
of Liberty at the point. At the same time my bell began & con- 
tinued ringing till Sunrise. About nine o'clock A. M. the bell of the 
First Congreg. Chh. began to ring & rang an hour or two. The 
Episc. Chh. bell struck a few strokes and then stopped : The 
Episcopalians being averse to the Celebration. At Noon, the cannon 
were discharged at the point near Liberty pole or Mast. The colors 
were also displayed at the Fort all day, & on some vessels. Towards 
night my bell rang again, & ended at about sunset, when all the 

13 



colours were struck. The Committee of the Sons of Liberty met & 
supped with Capt. John Collins.'' 

The Tree of Liberty was planted at the head of Thames Street 
in 1765 and a copper plate was affixed in 1766 with the record of the 
repeal of the Stamp Act. On the afternoon of March 17, 1770, a 
mast was erected on the Liberty Tree on the Point. This Liberty 
Pole was cut down in September of the same year to make way tor a 
house that was built on the lot. 

Some of his references to current events are very brief, for fear 
that vengeance may be brought down upon some participating indi- 
vidual. "July 31, 1769, Sloop Liberty burnt." This was a bold act, 
reflecting the virile patriotism of Newporters. It has been styled the 
"first overt act of violence offered to British authorities in America." 
The vessel was scuttled in Newport Harbor on July 17, in revenge 
for her part in detecting violations of the revenue laws, and was set 
on fire on the 31st. This affair was by citizejis and resulted in the 
destruction of the vessel, while by the firing on the "Squirrel" in 
1764, little damage was done. The latter was by the gunner in charge 
of the Colony Fort, however, and when the British officer waited on 
the Governor and Council to demand acknowledgment of the insult, 
"They agreed that the gunner had acted by authority, and that they 
would answer for it when they thought necessary." 

Events were happening elsewhere about this time. "March 3, 
1770,'' Dr. Stiles "read in Boston prints an account of death of a 
young lad, Christopher Snider, aged 11 years, at Boston, on the 22nd 
ult." "the first victim or martyr of American Liberty." This was fol- 
lowed on March 5th, by the Boston Massacre. These events gave 
additional earnestness to the celebration of Liberty Day in 1770, 
although the sentiment of the Town was not always unanimous. "It 
is the aim of Col. Wanton and other Chh. Politicians to confuse the 
Cause of Liberty — Divide & Impera. They yesterday hoisted Col- 
ours at the Point on the Mast of Liberty, fired one Canon in the 
Morning & two at the Fort in the Evening, at Sunset. The Chh. 
Bell rang in the Even, but no longer. This Monday is the day agreed 
upon by the True Sons of Liby. here k at Boston & New York. Ac- 
cordingly this morning Colours were displayed on the Tree of Liberty. 
The Committee supped in Turn with Henry Merchant, Esqr. All 
the bells rang. Colors also on mast of Lib. at Point & sundry 
Houses." 

In the meantime, " Newport traders had agreed, in concert with 
other American merchants, to refrain from importing British goods at 
this time; consequently, when violations of this agreement were re- 

14 



ported, public meetings were held in Boston (May i8) and in Phila- 
delphia (May 25) at which it was resolved to break off all dealings 
with Newport until its inhabitants (Who had not expressed their re- 
sentment at this duplicity) should have given full satisfaction.'' 

"May 31, 1770. Yesterday, the Merch'ts. in this town met at 
the courthouse & agreed to store their goods lately imported — to re- 
move the late resolutions of Boston & Phila. to break off all commerce 
with us, & to engage the other Colonies to desist Trad'y with us; 
because we had violated the salutary Non-Import'n Agreement. An 
Instance, that five or six Jews & three or 4 Tories may draw down 
Vengence upon a Country." 

Even in those days, selfish interests struggled for recognition and 
political offices were used for political advantage : 

" In the late Combinations of the American Merchants against 
importations &c. and against the exorbitant fees of the customhouses 
— some merchants kept themselves from the combinations. Mr. 
Aaron Lopez a Jew Merchant in this town is one. For this the collector 
&c. shew him all lenity and favor. He has about twenty sail of 
vessels and his captains are all exempted from swearing at the custom- 
house, and make their entries &c. without Odth. But the oath is 
strictly exacted of all who were concerned in the Non-Importation 
Agreement. This I was told yesterday by one of Mr. Lopez' captains 
long in his employ. The man o' war yesterday seized his vessel and 
wines by accident and folly of the people, who in 5 row boats were 
endeavoring the night before to run 41 quarter casks of wine. The 
vessel and wines will be condemned — but it is said they will be set 
up at a trifle and Lopez will bid them off at far less than duties ; so 
that he shall make his venage good. Favor and Partiality ! And Yet 
these customhouse men are perpetually clamoring on cheating the 
King of his Revenue. The Customhouse in Newport produces 2000 
pounds or 3000 pounds sterling per annum to the Revenue Chest at 
Boston ; — a fortnight ago they shipt 800 pounds sterling to Boston 
and retained 200 pounds for contingencies. There is such a swarm 
of officers, that like the plague of Locusts they devour all before 
them. They very particularly torment the Sons of Liberty and all 
who oppose the Antiamerican Measures of the Parliament and 
Ministry. This summer Mr. Christopher Ellery's vessel fell into 
their hands ; a sailor having a bag of twenty lbs of Tea, this was the 
07ily thing: He was obliged to go to the Commissioners at Boston 
and it cost him 60 or 80 dollars to get her delivered. I have known 
Collector Dudly refuse a present, a cask of wine, &c. and tell the 
owner (whom he went to befriend) that he was obliged to refuse all 

15 



gratuities and dare not take anything — neither did he from him in 
several voyages. The collector answered his end — this man believed 
it, and trumpetted thro' Town, that the' Collector received nothing 
but lawful Fees. Much about the same time, I heard a Captain say 
that his people had wheeled home to the Collector, wines, fruits, &c, 
and they were not rejected nor returned. I have been informed of 
much higher customhouse frauds and peculations. How did Dudly 
get his office ? His father is an Episcopal Clergyman in the West of 
Eno-jand in some of those diminished towns, where 30 or 40 free- 
holders elect two members of Parliament : The father was the omnis 
hovw of the Parish and could by his Influence command the elec- 
tion. He set his price, as is said, that his son sh'd have the collector- 
ship of Rhode Island. The Member of Parliament procured it for 
him. Dudley behaves in office as well as any of them ; but bad is 
the best. I would not, for 10 thousand worlds, administer so many 
oaths to known false accounts or be knowingly accessory to the daily 
perjuries which he midwifes into the world of error & sin." 

On June 11, 1772, Dr. Stiles notes, "The Gaspee Schooner was 
burnt off Warwick yesterday mornmg about 2 o'clock and the 
Captain wounded.'' This was a most daring act of resistance to the 
enforcement of the British Navigation Acts and in its consequences 
brought to the party for Independence new principles to support their 
effcrts. The difficulty of America in securing freedom was not so 
much a question of her warlike strength, as the obtaining united and 
effective support from all the colonies, and especially from Virginia 
and the Southern Colonies. With the Stamp Act repealed, the 
Southern Colonies had little interest in the entorcement of the 
Navigation Acts. When England heard of the burning of the Gaspee 
the Government, greatly incensed, issued a Commission to inquire 
into the affair, to apprehend the offenders and to transport the 
accused to England for trial. The authority to transport beyond the 
Seas the accused for trial involved one of the strongest guaranties of 
Liberty and the assertion of such authority by the British Crown 
made one of the most potent forces to bind the Colonies to the im- 
portance of United Action to defend their Liberties. Virginia, soon 
after, passed its Resolutions, which resulted in the appointment of 
Committees of Correspondence and in the ultimate assembling of the 
Continental Congress. Prominent in the Virginia Resolutions, as 
reasons for their passage, were recited the Powers given to the Gaspee 
Commissioners to transport Americans to England for trial ; repug- 
nant to every feeling of law and justice, cherished in the Colonial 
breast. 

16 



To the King's Council, it may have seemed that the attack upon 
the King's ship was an act of war, more within the jurisdiction of a 
Court Martial than of a Court of Common Law, especially as it was 
committed on tide water and not within the limits of any town. 
The learned Judges who held the King's Commission, professed how- 
ever, that they only were a Court of Inquiry and they never intended 
to exercise the powers of transportation for trial. These Commis- 
sioners assembled at Newport, amid the most intense interest, through- 
out all the colonies. 

Dec. 23, 1772: "The Ships of War made a formidable parade 
in the harbor — preparing for the grand Court of Inquiry appointed by 
the King soon to sit here for Examining the affair of burning the 
" Gaspee Schooner '' near Providence last June. The King has 
ordered them to inquire particularly as to Mr. John Brown, Mr. 
Joseph Brown of Providence, Capt. Potter of Bristol and Dr. Weeks 
of Warwick, and if Evidence appear, not to adjudge upon them, but 
deliver them up to Adm. Mortague to be sent to England & take 
Trial there. The fact being infra Comitatus Limites or within the 
Land Jurisdiction of the Coloney, such a Court takes the Trial out of 
the Vicinage, and the transporting &c. is alarming to the whole Conti- 
nent.'' 

The work of the Commission failed, but the entire '' Continent'' 
was convinced that their liberties and welfare were not safe in the 
hands of the British Crown and from Rhode Island, the Acts of 
violence spread into the other colonies, and it was soon that War 
itself had actually begun in 1775. 

First of all the Colonies, Rhode Island recognized that there 
could be no return to England and yet preserve their liberties, and 
she stood ready on May 4, 1776, to strike out the name of the King 
in all writs and repudiate his allegiance and hence forth recognized no 
authority but the State of Rhode Island. 

Few appreciate the true significance of a case tried in our Court 
House here, soon after the close of the Revolution, and which was 
shortly afterwards published. (The case, Trevett vs. Weeden, by 
James M. Varnum, Esq., Providence, printed by John Carter, 1787). 
Because of its wider influence upon the development of our institu- 
tions it may not be inappropriate to refer to it in detail as showing 
the broad scope and possibilities of historical investigation here. 

Trevett against Weeden was tried before the judges of the Su- 
perior Court at Newport at its September term, A. D. 1786. Just 
one year before the Constitution of the United States was submitted 

17 



to the people of the several states for adoption. Hryce and other 
writers have called attention to the distinctive feature of that great 
instrument, as being the principle that all questions of limitations of 
power and constitutionality of acts are determined in this country by 
the judicial and not by the executive or legislative branches of gov- 
ernment — a principle wholly without existence in any government 
prior to the adoption of the constitution. To Newport and the case 
of Trevett vs. Weeden much credit for the wider understanding of 
the function of a judiciary in a federated constitutional government is 
due. 

Let us look at the setting of the case. Rhode Island had ex- 
hausted its resources in the Revolution. Its citizens had been di- 
vided ; it had been occupied for years by the foe; its wealthier citi- 
zens had gone to Nova Scotia or England at the close of the War and 
irredeemable paper money was a curse on the prosperity of those who 
remained. The inflational party in control took desperate means to 
keep the depreciated currency in circulation and passed in rapid suc- 
cession, three acts. 

In May 1786, a new issue of currency of 100,000 pounds based 
upon land security and made legal tender was authorized. In June, 
anybody making a distmction from gold or silver against these new 
notes in the sale of goods was subjected to a penalty of 100 pounds. 
And on the 3rd Monday of August in the same year at a special ses- 
sion, the penalty was lowered to not less than 6 pounds or more than 
30 pounds for the first offence ; but the ordinary procedures of justice 
were fundamentally changed. Any judge could try these complaints 
and must dispose of them within three days "without any jury by a 
majority of the judges present, according to the Law of the Land" 
and said judgment shall be final and conclusive and from which there 
shall be no appeal. 

Upon the last Monday ot September 1786 an old Privateers-man, 
John Trevett, tendered in the market at the foot of the parade to 
John Weeden "who within three weeks had been an object of charity 
on the streets of Newport" the depreciated paper money as the equiv- 
alent of gold for meat and upon its refusal brought information under 
the Statute to recover the penalties of the act before Paul Mumford, 
Chief Justice of the Superior Court in Chambers, who, as the Court 
was then in session, referred the matter to the full bench. 

There was argued before the Court one of the most important 
questions ever submitted to a court in this state. Upon its determi- 
nation the value and rights of property of every inhabitant depended 
and the future prosperity of the State. The Act had made it a crime 

18 



for John Weeden to refuse to sell to John Trevett meat at four pence 
a pound, which cost him six pence on the hoof. A most profound 
question was involved as to the rights of justice and trial by jury 
which any individual had, as against an act passed by biased or parti- 
san majorities of the Legislature, and the wider and broader question, 
if this new found liberty which had been wrested from the English 
King should be based on law, administered by an impartial Court. 
To a very great degree the new principle of law, the power of the 
Judiciary to declare and nullify an unconstitutional law, which was to 
become the crown of the New Constitution was to be tried and tested. 
Weeden based his defence upon three points : 

1. that the act had expired; 

2. that the offence was triable summarily before a special court 
and the right of appeal had been taken away ; 

3. that the power of the court to impanel a jury had been taken 
away by the Act, and "so the same is unconstitutional and void." 

The argument upon the last point by the distinguished patriot 
and lawyer, General Jam.es M. Varnum, is strong, able and worthy of 
the importance of the occasion. To briefly summarize his points: 
He said there are three distinct sources of power: the Legislative, 
Judiciary and Executive in all free government. From thence may 
be inferred the necessity of a Supreme Judiciary Court to whose judg- 
ments all subordinate jurisdictions must conform. The laws of the 
realm, being the birth right of all the subjects, followed these pious 
adventurers to their new habitation including trial by jury in criminal 
cases. "The attempts of the British Parliament to deprive us of this 
mode of trial were among the principal causes that united the colo- 
nies in a defensive war and finally affected the glorious Revolution." 
The Declaration of rights by the ist Congress, October 1774, is: 
"5th : That the respective colonies are entitled to the Common Law 
of England and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege 
of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course 
of that law." 

The Legislature under the Charter cannot make Laws repugnant 
to the general system of laws which governed the realm of England. 
The Revolution made no change in this respect so as to abridge the 
means of the people of securing their lives, liberty and property. But 
as the Legislature is the Supreme Power in Government, who is to 
judge whether they have violated the constitutional rights of the peo- 
ple : In last analysis, the people themselves will judge as the only 
resort in the last stages of oppression. But "when they proceed no 
further than merely to enact what they may call laws," in the dis- 

19 



charge of the great trust reposed in them and to prevent the horrors 
of Civil War as in the present case, the J udges can and we trust your 
Honors will decide upon them. Nor am I capable of distinguishing 
betw^een an established tyranny and that Government where the Leg- 
islature makes the laws and dictates to the Judges their adjudication. 

"The true distinction lies in this that the Legislature h ive the un- 
controlable power of making laws not repugnant to the Constitution. 
The Judiciary have the sole power of judging those laws and are 
bound to execute them, but cannot admit any act of tJie legislature as 
law ivhicJi is against the Constit?itio?i. Indeed I very much doubt if 
the citizens of any one State have power to adopt such a kind of gov- 
ernment as to exclude the trial by jury consistently with the prmciples 
of the Confederation." 

The judges found that "the information was not cognizable before 
them." When the judges were summoned before the General As- 
sembly by whom they were elected to account for their action, they 
boldly asserted their right to pass upon the Constitutionality of the 
Laws in this language : And while to remove misapprehensions, they 
disclaim and totally disavow any least power or authority or the ap- 
pearance thereof to contravene or control the constitutional laws of 
the State or the acts of the General Assembly, they conceive that the 
entij'e power of construing and judging of the sa^ne i?i the last resort 
is vested solely in the Supreme Judiciaiy of the State. 

In that hour of internal struggle and weakness under the con- 
federation and until Rhode Island adopted the Federal Constitution, 
the conduct of the Judiciary in Trevett vs. Weeden stands forth as 
the principal hope of the future. 

The scope of an Historical Society should be as broad as the 
History of Newport and from these few incidents it may be judged 
how closely its story is associated with the History and Institutions of 
our Country and how intimately it is interwoven with the Progress of 
the Race. 

Many have done their share in making more real, Newport's Past: 
Callender in his ''Century Discourse;'' Ross again at the end of the 
Second Century, and then that body of investigators from whose en- 
deavors and interest sprang this Newport Historical Society. Dr. 
David King, with his years of patient work and careful gathering of 
material, but with all too little of work in published form ; Dr. Henry 
E. Turner that most diligent of genealogists ; Mr. Charles E. Ham- 
mett with his bibliography of Newport, presenting to this Society a 
standard; that it should own each book named in that bibliography; 

20 



Mr. George C. Mason with his facile and graceful pen, related to so 
many of the worthies of old Newport and who has left so much of 
value, accessible in print. 

And beyond the members of our Society much has been done. 
Judge Horatio Rogers with his charming volumes on "A Summer 
visit of three Rhode Islanders to the Massachusetts Bay in 1651," 
and, "Mary Dyer of Rhode Island, the Quaker Martyr that was 
hanged on Boston Common." The late William H. Weeden with his 
volumes on Commerce and Social Conditions in the Colony; Richman 
with his interesting volumes on Rhode Island ; these and many 
others, but open the door. The field is wide and the scope is broad 
and the original materials are varied and constantly by the printing of 
diaries and letters and the discovery or accessibility of new collections, 
the view is enlarging. In this connection we call to mind the recent 
publication by the Massachusetts Historical Society of the Letters of 
Four Generations of Newport Merchants showing the character of the 
Commerce here, 1726— 1800; a work made possible by the generosity 
and foresight of our fellow townsman, Hon. George Peabody Wet- 
more. (Mass. Historical Society Commerce of Rhode Island, 2 Vol, 
1914— 1915). 

Such a publication brings forcibly to mind the purpose of such 
a Society as this, to preserve the materials for the future Historian. 
Not only documents within our own walls but historical monuments 
should be preserved in the community : One of the most satisfactory 
class of facts for the study of conditions in our Colonial Life is 
furnished in historical buildings and monuments, as well as articles in 
use at that time : Newport is rich in these: The State House on 
Washington Square ''the like whereof is not in all the Colonies;" the 
old market on the corner of Long Wharf ; the oldest portion of the 
Redwood Library; the Vernon House, the Gibbs House and the 
Brenton House, viewed with proper imagination tell, as few other 
things can, how Newporters lived in the Eighteenth Century. The 
furniture, the articles in daily use, their clothes and the portraits of 
men and women make still more vivid the pictures of the Past. The 
private correspondence and journals show how the people thought 
and acted. The guarding of the public records and vital statistics 
and the education of public opinion to assist to this end are a true 
function of our Historical Society and the indexing and correlating of 
all this material can be accomplished only by such a Society as 
ours. 

The generosity of the friends of this Society have preserved and 
enlarged this commodious and attractive building with its fire-proof 

21 



facilities, as a fitting temple dedicated to Historical Study in this 
Community. About it, gather the memories of the Past. Founders 
of the State, as John Clarke and William Coddington : Great divines, 
as Clapp, Honeyman, Callender, Berkeley, Stiles, Hopkins, William 
Ellery Channing, Dr. Jackson and Dominee Thayer : Great mer- 
chants, as Redwood, Ayrault, Gibbs, Channing, Grant, Lopez, Riveria* 
Champlin . Public spirited citizens, as Hunter, Ellery, Robbins, 
Cranston, Ward : Lovely and accomplished women, as Peggy 
Champlin, Polly Lawton : Artists, as Malbone, Allston, Feke, Gil- 
bert Stuart and many others come back to our minds. 

With these memories of a glorious Past, let us not forget the 
present : We should preserve the records of every just endeavor and 
the name of every individual who has manifested a spirit of disinter- 
ested service for the public welfare. No Society, not even an 
Historical Society, can live wholly in the Past, In preserving the 
deeds of the Past and the Memory of those who have passed away, 
we must do so, mainly, for the purpose of improving the conditions of 
the present and of inspiring in our beloved City of Newport efforts 
tor a more glorious Future. 



22 



MEETINGS 

A meeting of the Society was held Aug. 12, in the Meeting 
Room, at which a large company was present. 

The First Vice-President presided, and in introducing the 
speaker of the day congratulated the Society upon the completion 
and arrangement of the new Museum and urged efforts for larger 
usefulness to the community. 

Mr. William P. Sheffield then presented the eloquent and in- 
teresting paper printed in this issue. 

At the close of the meeting the members present inspected and 
approved of the New Building, now completely finished and filled 
with the Society's valuable collections. 



THE NEW BUILDING 



On the first floor are the offices, newspaper room, and hall, in the 
latter many portraits of old Newport residents have been placed. 
Here too is the doorway from the old house on Franklin Street, re- 
cently demolished for Government purposes. The P^xhibition Hall 
on the second floor contains more Newport portraits, and many cases, 
filled with old china, Indian relics, laces made in Newport years ago, 
and a miscellaneous collection of relics of old Newport. 

On the stairway may be found interesting photographs of early 
Newport houses, and in the large p:xhibition Hall upstairs, is the 
mantel (probably about 1740) recently donated to the Society. 
This is surrounded by household furnishings of every description. 
In this room are the Ida Lewis collection, the relics of the old fire 
department, the old canes, guns and swords, and many other interest- 
ing articles. After the inspection of the building the members were 
served with Tea by a Committee of Ladies of which Mrs. P'rench 
Vanderbilt was chairman. 



23 



SOCIETY NOTES 



So many persons have expressed, 
and manifested, interest in our 
collections, that it has been deemed 
advisable to open the Museum 
Saturday and Sunday and Holi- 
day afternoons from two to five 
o'clock. It is hoped that those who 
are engaged daily in business will 
avail themselves of this oppor- 
tunity to examine our many ob- 
jects of interest. Many indeed 
have already done so. Admit- 
tance is free. 

An interesting loan collection of 
some forty prints of Newport, 
some old and some new, is now on 
exhibition in the gallery of the 
Meeting House. 

It is hoped to hold similar loan 
exhibitions of articles of local in- 
terest from time to time. 

There is a greatly needed im- 
provement to our building which 
it is hoped soon to make ; in the 
shape of a new porch to the front 
on Touro Street. The fence around 
the lot is also about to be repaired. 
When these improvements to the 
exterior of our buildings are com- 
pleted, we shall feel that our So- 
ciety has a house of which we 
may be justly proud. 

Among recent accessions to the 
Library are the following: 

Pamphlets relating to the pre- 



sent European War, from Sir 
Gilbert Parker. 

Leaflets relating to the War. from 
the Paris Chamber of Commerce. 

The Jonny-Cake Papers of 
" Shepherd Tom." Limited edi- 
tion. Presented by Dr. Roderick 
Terry. 

Documentary History of ''Rhode 
Island. Being the History of the 
towns of Providence and Warwick 
to 1649 and of the Colony to 1647.'' 
By Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 
R. I. Historical Society, 1916. 
Book Fund. 

" Clarke Genealogies. The 
Clarke Families of Rhode Island." 
Compiled by George Austin Mor- 
rison, Jr. Exchange. 

"Peter Harrison 1716-1775. 
First Professional Architect in 
America." By Charles Henry 
Hart. Boston, 1916. From the 
author. 

"The Old Narragansett Church. 
Built 1707. A Brief History." 
Illustrated by Rev. H. Newman 
Lawrence, 1915. IVesented by 
Miss E. M. Tilley. 

" Did the Norsemen Erect the 
Newport Round Tower.?" By 
Barthinius L. Wick. Pamphlet. 
Presented by the author. 

Edith M. Tilley, 

Librarian. 



24 



NEW MEMBERS 

Elected since the last Bulletin: 



Annual — Miss Mabel Norman, 
Dr. Arthur W. Stevenson. 

Associate — Mrs. George Har- 
low. 

Mrs. Reginald R. Belknap. 
Mr. Arthur B. Commerford. 



Mrs. Alexander Fludder. 

Mrs. Robert Gash. 

Mrs. Walter Goffe. 

Miss Katharine Manchester. 

Mrs. William O. Milne. 

Miss Mary Parrish. 

Mrs. R. H. Tilley. 



cS||>, 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

Newport Historical Society 

For the year endt^tg May^ ^9^7 



President, DANIEL B. FEARING 
First Vice-President, RODERICK TERRY 

Second Vice-President, FRANK K. STURGIS 

Third Vice-President, ALFRED TUCKERMAN 
Recording Secretary, JOHN P. SANBORN 
Corresponding Secretary, GEORGE H. RICHARDSON 
Treasurer, HENRY C. STEVENS, Jr. 
Librarian, EDITH MAY TILLEY 
Curator of Coins and Medals, EDWIN P. ROBINSON 

Board of Directors 
THE OFFICERS and 

FOR THREE YEARS 

MRS. THOMAS A. LAWTON HAMILTON B. TOMPKINS 
MRS. FRENCH VANDERBILT GEORGE L. RIVES 

FOR TWO YEARS 

MRS. C. L. F. ROBINSON GEORGE V. DICKEY 

JONAS BERGNER LAWRENCE L. GILLESPIE 

FOR ONE YEAR 

MRS. HAROLD BROWN WILLIAM S. SHERMAN 

MRS. RICHARD C. DERBY JOB A. PECKHAM 



A 



4.^ 






.0 



.4 0-. 



DOBBS BROS. 

LIBRARY BINDING 






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ST. AUGUSTINE 

€^FLA. 
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